Thomas J. Clarke

Every nation honors the memory of Patriots whose personal sacrifices contributed to their freedom.  In our United States, George Washington looms up larger than life as the personification of the American Revolution, even though Samuel Adams was its architect and Nathan Hale was a martyr for its cause. In Ireland’s struggle for independence, the Easter Rising of 1916 is the landmark rising that led to today’s Republic of Ireland.  It is the Lexington and Concord of Irish history when a handful of hopefuls stood firm against the might of England for the principle of freedom.  Padraig Pearse led the men of Easter Week and is the personification of the Easter Rising in the minds of many, yet the architect of that rising, and a man who also gave his life in its cause was Thomas J. Clarke.

Thomas Clarke was born in 1858 and raised in County Tyrone where the landlord-dominated Irish population had been reduced to a condition bordering on serfdom.  In August 1878, young Tom joined the ranks of the Fenian Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), a secret revolutionary organization not unlike our own Sons of Liberty.  In 1881, his activities caused him to flee to New York where he became active in Clan na Gael, the American branch of the Fenian movement.  On a trip to England in 1883, he was captured and sentenced to life for Fenian activities.  Prison existence was so severe for Fenian prisoners that two men sentenced with him went insane under its conditions.  Clarke persevered however, and was released in 1898. The following year, he returned to the U.S., married Miss Kattie Daly and settled in Brooklyn. He returned to Fenian activities and was employed by an Irish-American newspaper edited by John Devoy, the most powerful figure in Clan na Gael.  Highly respected for the suffering he had endured for Irish freedom, Clarke became one of the Clan’s most trusted members.

In December 1907, he was sent to Ireland to rejuvenate the IRB. As the trusted link with the Irish exiles of Clan na Gael, he was appointed to the Supreme Council of the Brotherhood and was one of its most powerful advocates of revolutionary action.  He plotted a course with young IRB organizer, Sean MacDiarmada, to replace inactive members of the Council with young militants and to attract new blood into the movement.  Clarke saw a young schoolteacher speak at a commemoration ceremony and invited him to deliver the 1913 oration at the grave of Irish patriot, Wolfe Tone, an annual event of considerable nationalist significance.  Within a few weeks, the young schoolteacher, Padraig Pearse, had joined the IRB.

As the most consistent advocate of revolutionary action, Clarke set the course that led to the Easter Rising.  With the start of the Irish Volunteer movement in 1913, Clarke insured that IRB men were on the provisional committee and Pearse became the critical link between the two groups.  In May of 1915, Clarke established a Military Council of the IRB; by year’s end, they had set a date for a rising. In January 1916, he brought labor leader, James Connolly, onto the Military Council, thereby securing the support of the Irish Citizen Army – a group formed to protect the workers during the great Dublin labor lock-out of 1913.  In February, Clarke informed Clan na Gael that a rising would take place in Dublin on Easter Sunday which would signal the start of a nation wide rebellion.

The confusion of events caused by Volunteer Chief of Staff MacNeill’s late cancellation of maneuvers, upset the original schedule and caused the historic decision to rise on the following day – Easter Monday.  It was not the rising that Clarke had planned, but a braver one in military terms since hope had vanished for a subsequent rising on a national scale.  Yet, it altered the course of the Irish nation, for Irish resentment to the brutality with which the rising was crushed led to her War of Independence.  The Easter Rising was led by Tom Clarke, Padraig Pearse, James Connolly, Eamon Ceannt, Sean MacDiarmada, Joseph Plunkett and Thomas MacDonagh – all of whom were executed for their dreams.  Yet the respect and admiration of these leaders for their mentor was paramount.  Just prior to the rising, when the Proclamation of the Irish Republic was drawn up, the man given the honor of having his name affixed first was the veteran Fenian, Thomas J. Clarke.  His execution was significant because America did nothing while the Brits executed an American citizen.

In 1983, a sentence found in an old biography of Tom Clarke led to a remarkable search. The sentence referred to his relocation to Suffolk County without naming the town.  As AOH County Historian, I set up a committee to locate the homesite for its historic significance.  Intensive research through old books, records and conversations with recognized experts in the field, revealed little.  Finally, a search of deeds in the Town of Brookhaven archives produced two deeds showing that Thomas J. Clarke of Brooklyn had purchased 30 acres in Manorville in 1906, and an adjoining 30 in 1907.  The name on those deeds was verified to be the same as that found in the primary position on the historic Proclamation of the Irish Republic.

Today, a monument of Wicklow Granite stands on the site of Clarke’s Long Island homestead, erected by the Suffolk County A.O.H. and where an annual commemoration ceremony is held for Clarke and all who died in the quest for Irish freedom.  In 1996, the name of Kathleen Daly Clarke was added to the monument in recognition of her great contribution to the cause.  Thomas J. and Kathleen D. Clarke were an inspired, as well as an inspirational couple.  They prepared a whole generation for liberty and guided them through its fulfillment.  In no other nation’s history can one find a husband and wife so actively devoted to the goal of freedom.

Kathleen Daly Clarke grew up enduring the harassment of alien soldiers aimed at her nationalist family yet, she voluntarily placed herself, and her three children in the position of enduring that harassment again, for the sake of Ireland. Together,  Tom and Katty taught the Irish to be proud of who they were, and inspired leaders among them to action.  It was Tom who called the men of Easter Week to their duty, and led them to their destiny.  And when that destiny turned out to be the ultimate sacrifice, he went proudly and defiantly to the wall, and fired the fury of the Irish nation.  When he did, Kathleen Daly Clarke was waiting to lead them to the final victory with the tools that he had fashioned.  She established a network of Prisoners Defense offices around the country to assist the dependents of those in jails and when the prisoners were released in a general amnesty, she chose the next leader as she handed the names, plans and assets of the IRB to Michael Collins who converted the offices to recruiting stations.  It was too perfect to have been orchestrated by the hand of man alone – there had to be some divine intervention.

After her life of service, Kathleen recorded that her only regret was refusing to allow a memorial to be erected in honor of her late husband.  Her logic was that as long as one person in Ireland still suffered as a result of the Rising, she could not sanction putting money  into bricks and mortar.  Years later, realizing that not even one street in Dublin had been named for Thomas J. Clarke, she regretted that position.  In 1987, when we erected this memorial to Thomas J. Clarke, Sam O’Reilly, one of the last surviving soldiers of the Easter Rising, and a man who had known the Clarkes in life, said to me, “Tom would have liked this.”  In 1996, when we added the Katty’s name to the monument, there were some who said that if you listened hard enough, you might have heard a woman’s voice saying, “I like it too.”

This year’s service was attended by National, State and County Officers and members of the AOH and LAOH.  The Siol na hEireann Irish Pipe Band of AOH Div 8 opened the service with a selection of patriotic tunes and National Historian, Mike McCormack gave a short address at the monument evoking the memory of Tom and Katty Clarke.  Two wreaths were then placed: one with green, white and orange flowers for deceased Irish patriots and one with red white and blue for Ireland’s deceased American supporters.  Siol na hEireann then closed the ceremony with A Nation Once Again and as the last notes were sounding, the thunder of motorcycles punctuated the reverie as the Hibernian Riders Motorcycle Club rode by in salute with Irish and American flags flying.  It was a stirring finish to an emotional ceremony.  The spectators then retired to a local Country Club for a Communion Mass and Breakfast in memory of Ireland’s patriots.

Katty

He called her Katty. That was the name Thomas J Clarke had for Kathleen Daly, niece of a fellow prisoner with whom he had been incarcerated for Fenian activities against England. She was a member of an Irish nationalist family, niece of patriot John Daly and sister of executed 1916 leader Edward Daly. She later became the wife of Tom Clarke and guardian of the dreams and plans held sacred by a whole generation of Irish patriots. This is her story.

She was born on April 11, 1878. By the time her uncle John was released from British prison in 1895, 17-year old Kathleen already knew the man she would marry, though they had never met. She knew him through her uncle’s letters praising the courage, determination, and tenacity of his fellow prisoner, Tom Clarke. When Clarke was released three years later, he came to the Daly home in Limerick to recuperate. Little did her uncle realize the awe in which young Kathleen held his old friend, until years’ end when they announced their engagement. Tom left for New York in 1900 to secure a job, and in 1901, his Katty joined him there. They married, and settled in the Bronx. A year later, they moved to Brooklyn, and eventually bought a farm in Manorville, Long Island.

When war between England and Germany seemed inevitable, Tom and other high-ranking members of Clan na Gael felt that Ireland’s day of liberation was at hand. He was asked to return to Ireland and reorganize the outdated and inactive Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), but Katty would not hear of it. She remembered the frail and battered figure that had limped to her home in 1898, nearly dead from starvation and torture. She pleaded that he had done as much as any man could be expected to do for his country, and reminded him that he was still a parolee, subject to arrest if the authorities even suspected what he was up to.

Tom, reminded her of the premature death of her father, the torture endured by her uncle, and the grief imposed on her mother and grandmother by a cruel and reckless alien force in their homeland. In his own persuasive way, Tom had fanned the smoldering coals of Katty’s nationalist soul, and rekindled her passion for Ireland. Together,they sailed to Ireland,and into the pages of Irish history.

Kathleen’s strong nationalist sentiment made her invaluable to Tom’s re-organizing activities. Together, they started a nationalist newspaper, and, as Tom organized the men of Ireland into the Irish Volunteers, Katty joined the Daughters of Ireland, and Cumann na mBan – the ladies auxiliary to the Volunteers – and did likewise with the women. Together,they prepared an army of men and women to strike at Easter, 1916, for Ireland’s freedom. Her patriotism, as well as that of her family was well known to the IRB Supreme Council. As evidence of their confidence in her, Kathleen was chosen to safeguard the details of the entire Volunteer network with the names of secondary and tertiary leaders throughout the country. She was also entrusted with the plans, property and funds of the organization with the instructions that if they were arrested after the rising, she was to pass them on to an individual of her choosing who could organize a new generation of leaders and fulfill their dream of a free Ireland. “It was to my mind great foresight on the part of the IRB to have done this,” she said, “as I was in a position after the Rising, when all the key men whose names I had were arrested, of knowing where to take hold and keep things going.”

Thus it was, that when Tom Clarke and the other leaders were executed after the 1916 Easter Rising, their dream did not die with them. After the Rising, England rounded up and interned many of Ireland’s men of military age, whether they were members of the Volunteers or not. Katty Clarke used the funds left her to set up an Irish Republican Prisoners Dependant’s Fund with offices around the country, based on the Volunteers Network the IRB had given her. She staffed them primarily with women of Cumann na mBan, which grew from 63 to 800 branches nationwide by 1921. These offices cared for the families of the men who were interned until they were released in December for lack of evidence. Later, those offices helped settle returning prisoners, many of whom had not been active Volunteers when they were incarcerated, but who certainly were upon release. She interviewed many of the returning men and decided who would be the new leader; it was a wise decision when she turned over the organization’s files and assets to Michael Collins. Collins used the network of offices set up by Katty Clarke to reorganize a national liberation force and began the War of Independence that fought England to the Treaty table in 1921 and the ultimate creation of the Republic of Ireland.

Through the War of Independence, into the years of the Irish Free State and to the creation of the Republic of Ireland, Mrs. Tom Clarke, as she preferred to be called, served her country as no other woman had. In addition to being a loyal wife and mother, she had been prisoner, Judge, Deputy Minister, Senator, and became the first woman Lord Mayor in Irish history as Lord Mayor of Dublin. After her death at 94 in 1972, she received the rare honor of a state funeral.

Remembered for her many deeds, she is perhaps best remembered for her statement to Cumann na mBan after the execution of her husband Thomas J. Clarke. She said, “Without the efforts of the women of Cumann na mBan, the Rising would have been for nothing.” She told them, “Our men are nearly all in prison, some are dead, and it is up to us to carry on their work . . . Let us show our enemy what Irish women can do!”

The Easter Rising

The Easter Rising took place on Easter Monday, April 24, 1916. It was yet the latest in more than a dozen attempts by the Irish to break the chains of bondage imposed on them by the Crown since the Normans first invaded in 1171. At least a dozen times in the previous seven centuries the Irish had organized military opposition and several times they had even tried parliamentary reform – all to no avail. With the dawn of the twentieth century, a new generation inherited the nationalist tradition of the past and was determined to keep faith with that tradition and try again.

To understand the significance of the Rising, one must start with the Gaelic revival early in the century. A literary movement, it sparked a renaissance in Ireland’s cultural heritage – language, history and arts. It planted the seeds of nationalism which led to a demand for Home Rule – a separate parliament for Ireland to govern herself. The government in Westminster depended on the Irish members of Parliament to ensure their power, so they acquiesced and promised Home Rule. However, loyalists in northern Ireland, who felt they would be a minority in an all-Irish Parliament, vowed to fight Home Rule if it were imposed. They formed a loyalist paramilitary militia called the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in 1912 and became the first to import arms on a large scale as a force of 100,000 were armed and trained. In 1913, the Irish Volunteers were formed by members of the Gaelic League, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Brotherhood to counter UVF opposition to Home Rule. However, they were only a poorly armed force of about 10,000.

The key to what happened next was an American citizen from Long Island, New York. His name was Thomas J. Clarke. An unrepentant veteran of the Fenian Irish Republican Brotherhood, a secret revolutionary society in Ireland, he was imprisoned for anti-Crown activities. Released after charges of torture were upheld he was exiled from Ireland. He fled to America in 1898. He settled in New York and became active in Clann na Gael, the American branch of the Fenian movement. He was employed by an Irish-American newspaper edited by John Devoy – the most powerful figure in the Clann at the time. Highly respected for the suffering he endured for Irish freedom, Clarke became one of the Clan’s most trusted members. He became an American citizen and in Sept, 1906, retired to Manorville, Long Island. Though prematurely aged at 48, Clarke was not put out to pasture.

In December, 1907, he was sent to Ireland to rejuvenate the Irish Republican Brotherhood which had become inactive due to age and apathy. As the trusted link between the Irish exiles of Clann na Gael and the IRB in Ireland, he was appointed to the Supreme Council of the IRB and was one of its most powerful advocates of revolutionary action. He infiltrated the Volunteers, brought a young schoolteacher named Padraic Pearse into the brotherhood and recruited a young cadre to become a military council to further the goal of Irish freedom.

Home Rule was passed by Parliament, but with the outbreak of WWI, implementation was postponed; then, Northern politicians moved an amendment to exclude six counties of Ulster from the provisions of Home Rule and establish a separate state. John Redmond, head of the Irish Parliamentary Party believed that loyalty shown to the Crown at this crucial hour would result in the Crown acting favorably on behalf of Home Rule at the wars end, so he committed the Volunteers to serve in the British Army. This split the Volunteers and those who opposed service in the British Army reorganized under Eoin MacNeill.

IRB members within the Volunteer movement felt betrayed, and began to plot a rising. They were Padraig Pearse, Thomas MacDonagh, Joseph Plunkett, Eamon Kent, Sean MacDermott, led by the old Fenian, Tom Clarke. James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army, a force organized to protect workers from police during labor disputes, was brought in on the plans. They set a date for a rising on Easter Sunday because of the symbolism of Christ’s rising from the dead and because all the military would be off on holiday. Orders were issued for training maneuvers throughout the country. When Volunteer Roger Casement was captured trying to land arms in Kerry on Good Friday, MacNeill learned that the maneuvers were to be an actual rising and countermanded the orders in the public press, determined to keep the Volunteers as only a balancing force to the UVF. Clarke rescheduled the rising for Monday, but was unable to get the word to the Volunteers outside Dublin. The military council decided to rise anyway, believing that the rest of the country would rally when they heard of the fighting in Dublin.

The patriots marched into Dublin on Monday and the British immediately cut all communication lines out of the city. The word never got out. The rising was confined to Dublin, and for five heroic days, the insurgents held out against the might of the British Empire. In the end, battered by shot and shell, they surrendered. By the time the rest of the country found out what had happened, it was over. Then the British did a very stupid thing.

They separated the leaders from the mass of prisoners who had surrendered, lined them up against a wall, and murdered the noblest leaders Ireland had produced in that generation. Connolly, who had been wounded in the fray, was taken out on a stretcher, and propped up against a wall to receive the bullets. That foolish act of revenge brought the Irish nation to their feet as one angry mass against the Crown. The seeds planted by the Gaelic Revival burst forth in a nationalist fury that led to the War of Independence, and the ultimate treaty with the British that led to the modern Republic of Ireland. Although six counties in the north were left to the Crown, most of Ireland was free. As we know the struggle for the Erin’s remaining green field continues yet, but whether or not the current peace leads to the promised unification of Ireland, the men of Easter Week who gave their lives that Irishmen might control their own destiny must never be forgotten. Remember them in your prayers on April 24.

Throughout the hardship of seven centuries
brave Irishmen struggled and fought
remember the price already paid
and don’t let it be for naught!